I o Ii A Journal of the Department of Political Science. Univer ity of Lagos UNILAG Journal of Politics is published by the Department of Political Science, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Lagos, Akoka, Yaba, Lagos, Nigeria. ISSN 0189-739X. Editor-in-Chief: Professor Alaba Ogunsanwo Managing Editor: Professor Tunde Babawale Editorial Assistants: Dr. Samuel Ugoh & Ronke Karunwi Professor Adigun Agbaje Department of Political Science University of Ibadan Oyo State Professor L. Adele Jinadu Centre for Advanced Social Science (CASS), Port Harcourt Rivers State. Professor Nuhu Yaqub University of Abuja Abuja. Professor G. Aforka Nweke Department of Political Science University of Nigeria Dr. Ayo Akinbobola Department of Political Science University of Lagos. Editorial Board Professor Amadu Sesay Department of International Relations Obafemi Awolowo University Ile-Ife, Osun State. Professor Robert Ola Adekunle Ajasin University Akungba-Akoko Ondo State Professor Aaron Gana African Centre for Democratic Governance (AfriGov), Abuja. Professor Siyanbola Tomori Department of Economics University of Lagos. Professor Remi Anifowose Department of Political Science University of Lagos. Information for Contributors The Unilag Journal 0/Politics is a biannual journal in political science research. It however welcomes multidisciplinary contributions, which focus on the military, technological and social issues that impact on human existence and survival. The journal hopes to contribute to the universal struggle for justice, equity and establishment of a world of harmony and peace. In particular, it invites contribu tions on issues that affect the development/ underdevelopment of the African continent. Correspondence Articles for submission should be sent to Professor Alaba Ogunsanwo, Editor- in-Chief, Unilag Journal o/Politics, Department of Political Science, University of Lagos, Akoka, Yaba, Lagos, Nigeria, (01) 5454891-3 (ext.1307 & 1304). Information regarding subscription should be addressed to: Prof. Tunde Babawale, Managing Editor, Department of Political Science, University of Lagos, Akoka, Yaba, Lagos. (01) 5454891-3 ext.1278. E-mail: tunde_babawale@yahoo.com. or unilagPoliticusdyahoo.com. Our website is www.unilagjournalofpolitics.org The annual subscription fee for individuals is $10 or N1,OOO.Institutional subscriptions cost N2,OOOof $20. Manuscript Requirements llnilag Journal of Politics is a peer-reviewed publication with manuscripts anonymously assessed by at least two referees. Submission of manuscript to the llnilag Journal of Politics implies that the author is committed to publishing in the journal. It also presupposes that the same article is not being simultaneously submitted to any other publication nor has it been published elsewhere with a content that is evidently similar. Articles being submitted for publication should have 15-25double-spaced pages with approximately 250 words per page. Book review essays submitted must not be longer than 13 double-spaced .• pages. All manuscripts must be written in English and must conform to the APSA style sheet and the Chicago Manual of Style in their bibliographical references. For example: 1. Dodd, C. H. 1988. "Politics, Modernisation, the State and Democracy: Approaches to the Study of Politics in Turkey". in State, Democracy and the Military: Turkey in the 1980s, eds, M. Heper and A. Evin. NY:Walter de Gruyter. 11-22. 2. Horowitz, Donald L. 1977.The Courts and Social Policy. Washington, D. C. :The Brookings Institution. The accuracy of quotations as well as the supply of complete references is the sole responsibility of authors. Each manuscript should be accompanied by a brief biography and an abstract of not more than 250 words. Each author should provide, on a separate cover page, author's name, phone number and institutional affiliation. Three hard copies of the manuscript, in addition to a 3.5 disk (IBM-formatted), should be submitted for publication. Tables or graphs should be in a separate file on the disk. Contributors will receive two complimentary copies of the issue. UNILAGJournal of Politics Vol. 2, No.2 Patriarchy and Constraints of Democratic Political Space of Women in Nigeria F. A. BADRU* Abstract This paper explores the argument that socio-cultural factors are associated with the political exclusion of women and the ooenohelming participation and domination ofmen in post-colonial governance in Nigeria. The paper draws from pertinent literature and data to reinforce the argument that more men occupied political seats. It goes beyond feminism that advocates for quota and political tokenism. It thereforeadvocatesfor equity and argues for just and objective criteria in governance. The paper also transcends the monolithic viewpoint of patriarchy in sub-Saharan Africa, that emancipation is not just granted, but conquered by self-effort, doggedness and hard work, and that anything to the contrary will vitiate meritocracy and promote mediocrity. The paper contends that patriarchy, though not necessarily the only factor, has combined with other socio-cultural and socio- political forces to constrain and decrease the democratic political space of women in Nigeria. These constraints must be addressed. Redressing and ameliorating these bottlenecks constitute a challenge to Nigeria's nascent democracy. Introduction INall human societies, there are relationships of superordination and subordination. Power is inherent and embedded in these relationships. Power, in this sense, is the possibility and ability of one social actor to dominate or impose his/her will upon the behaviour of another so that the latter complies. The latter is the •• Dr. F. A. Badru (Ph.D., FWACN) is of the Department of Sociology, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Lagos, Akoka, Yaba, Lagos. 78 F. A. 8adru 'ruled/governed/dominated' while the former is the 'ruler/ governor / domina tor'. Since all societies comprise men and women, the old and the young, educated and illiterate and there is a need for social order, differentiations are often made between males and females, the old and the young. Besides, since most societies are patriarchal, the decision-makers are mostly men, while the women are historically, most often, not visible, subordinated and excluded. This is not necessarily a sacred injunction nor is it due to some biological anomalies but is largely influenced by norms, values and customs. Olurode (1990: 9) asserts that both the scriptures and customs endorse the dominant osition of men. He contends that both the Bible and the Qur' an assign superior positions to men in society. Thus, the status of the women has not fared well historically even though there are some exceptions. For instance, Olurode (1990:9) argues that, in the traditional Yoruba society, some gods can only be appeased and worshipped by women. In related works; Olojede (1990, 1998, and 2004) points to women who occupied pre-eminent positions in pre-colonial period in Nigeria. This cuts across the major ethnic groups: Hausa, Igbo and Yoruba. Scholars (see Ikpe, 2004:24) have challenged the latter position. Ikpe (2004)affirms that Yoruba women historically could not achieve the highest political office since about the 17th century. According to Udegbe, (cited in Enemuo, 1999: 232), the representation of women in positions of leadership in the three tiers of government in Nigeria, in the last three decades, has been low, 'hovering around 2%'. This researcher observes an increase in the mean percentage of women's political participation in Nigeria and this has been calculated to be about 5.59% (see Table 1). There is an allusion that 'appointment of women into political offices has been 'characterized and motivated by tokenism' and that women in positions of authority 'find themselves working in groups that are in essence predominantly male', thereby aggravating their feeling of 'marginality'. Our concern in this paper is to argue that governance, participation in politics or forming political association is largely influenced by UNILAGJournal of Politics Vol. 2, No.2 79 patriarchy, membership and interaction matrix of many factors within specific human groupings and societies, and these largely affect the social and political behaviours of the citizens. Besides, the political space (military/democratic) tends to be narrower for women cross-culturally than men (see Table 1). This paper, however, focuses more on the democratic political space of women in the post-colonial era in Nigeria. Our thesis is that, in a peripheral social formation such as Nigeria, there is likely to be a narrowing of the gender gap and an improvement of the democratic political space for women, with enhanced education of women and men. This will be given a boost with economic empowerment and de-pauperization of people through strategies tha: obliterate the strangulating socio- economic environment. The paper argues that justice, fairness and equity are better principles than equality and ceding of seats to women. The gender analysis we promote, should not discriminate against men or women. Qualified men and women should be encouraged to participate in politics, political associations and governance. Elective positions should not be based on sentiments, but fought, and won through achievement. This tends to negate meritocracy and promote mediocrity. This, of course, does not deter the government and the male social actors from encouraging the female gender from fully participating in politics. Thepaper is divided into six sections. In addition to the introduction in the first section, the second part looks at key concepts as used in the paper. The third section examines the theoretical issues while the fourth provides socio-historical illustration of subjugation of women in public sphere, considers and criticizes some institutional "femocracy". The fifth section highlights some factors responsible for thisapparent decreased democratic politicalspace ofwomen inNigeria. The sixth section contains the summary and concluding remarks. Conceptual Issues Patriarchy This term has been defined in several ways. Otive-Igbuzor, (2003:5) seems to give an all-encompassing definition of the concept as: a set of social relations which has a material baseand in which 80 F. A. Badru there are hierarchical relations between men and solidarity amongst them which enables them to dominate women. The material base of patriarchy is men's control over women, labour and power. This control is maintained by excluding women from access to necessary economically productive resources ... Men exercise their control in receiving personal service work from women, in not having to do housework or rear children, in having access to women's bodies for sex and in feeling powerful and (indeed) being powerful. The crucial elements of patriarchy, as we currently experience them, are: heterosexual marriage, female child rearing and housework, women's economic dependence on men (enforced by arrangements in the labour market). Otive-Igbuzor, (2003:5)also argues that" an essential element upon which patriarchy thrives is an unequal power relation between women and.men", Such a power relation has its roots in history and evolved as a result of the socially constricted differentiation of women from men through the kind of duties assigned to them. Domestic and reproductive roles - child-bearing, child-rearing, fetching of water, cooking and scrubbing are looked upon as feminine roles. As long as they are perceived as feminine roles, they are assigned less values and are not computed as part of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Conversely, men are perceived as producers, income-earners and leaders of society. Socialization towards the acceptance of these roles begins in the home as part of good upbringing. Considering the crucial roles mothers play in this socialization process, they become useful collaborators in their own oppression, albeit ignorantly, as they brainwash their daughters to accept subordination as God ordained. Democracy or ~Androcracy' Enemuo (1999: 141- 146) affirms that the word: "democracy" derives from two Greek words: 'demos' which means 'the people' and 'kraiein' which means 'rule of' or 'rule by'. The term simply denotes 'rule by the people'. But all over the world, the notion - 'people'- is used synonymously, at least in practice, to mean the rule by the men'. This informs the choice of the apparent synonym: F.A. Badru stuieen men and solidarity iem to dominate women. men's control over women, ; maintained by excluding , economically productive ntrol in receiving personal having to do housework or omen's bodiesfor sex and in ling powerful. The crucial 'ently experience them, are: 'ld rearing and housework, ~ on men (enforced by ). tat "an essential element upon lual power relation between lation has its roots in history ~constricted differentiation of l of duties assigned to them. child-bearing, child-rearing, rubbing are looked upon as perceived as feminine roles, e not computed as part of the rversely, men are perceived as ders of society. Socialization es begins in the home as part e crucial roles mothers play in ne useful collaborators in their ly, as they brainwash their lS God ordained. that the word: "democracy" nos' which means 'the people' or 'rule by'. The term simply lover the world, the notion - least in practice, to mean the oice of the apparent synonym: UNILAGJournal of Politics Vol. 2, No.2 81 "androcracy", as the word: "andro" refers to men. Where the dominant people ruling are men, the system is properly labelled as "androcracy", and where the structure/irtstitution promotes the predominance of females/women, it can be tagged "femocracy". The issue of 'androcracy' throws up a fundamental problem about the two faces of power in socio-political analysis (see Robert Dalh- Modern Political Analysis). There are two faces of power - 'overt' and 'covert'. Some have argued that though women may not be overtly powerful, they are, nevertheless, covertly powerful as 'power' behind the throne. Other scholars such as Oyovbaire (1987) have asserted that democracy has no settled meaning. It connotes image as well as reality of politics for different political systems, rulers, citizens, actors and scholars. Classical democratic theory posits the existence of a highly conscious, rational, politically knowledgeable and participant citizenry. Oyovbaire (1987:3)contends that democracy is a political framework from which public policies emerge and are administered for society. Members of a political class propel these policies through articulation and aggregation. It is possible to argue that democracy exists where the principal leaders of a political system are selectedby competitive elections inwhich the bulk of the population - whether male or female - have the opportunity to participate. This is rather a 'minimalist characterization of democracy that inputs the imperative of only competitive election. This paper sees this as 'electocracy'. The conceptualization may collapse with a critical democratic interrogation. Thus, democracy is like a road map and an ideal (Olugbemi, 1996:49). The existence of democracy would not prima facie enhance women participation in politics. According to Rueschemeyer, et.al (1992), democracy is, above all, a matter of power. Democracy represents, first and foremost, an increase in political equality and equity. It is the power relations that determine whether democracy can emerge, stabilize and then maintain itself in the face of adverse conditions. As they further aver: there is first the balance of power among different classes and class conditions. This is a factor of overwhelming importance. It is complemented by two other power configurations: the structure, strength and autocracy of the State apparatus and 82 F. A. Sadri its interrelations with civil society and the impact of transnationa power relations on both the balance of class power and on state society relations. Democracy takes on a realistic character only i it is based on significant changes in the overall distribution of powe in any society. The authors contend that 'democracy entails firs: regular free and fair elections of representatives with universa and equal suffrage; second: responsibility of the state apparatus tl the elected parliament, and third: the freedom of expression aru association as well as the protection of individual rights agairu arbitrary state actions'. Women The term 'women' means different things to different scholars. 1 is an omnibus notion and not a homogeneous species. In realit within a geographical space called Nigeria, Williams (1997: 1SE submit· There are several categories of women: the elite or the petty bourgeois; the peasant and proletarian; there are the conservative women who can be found both in the urban and rural areas, progressive women, both rural and urban; there are also literate women and non-literate ones .... In addition, there are the rich and poor women, the muslim ant the christian women; all these have various interests that are some times contrasting to the overall interests of one another. Usuallj there is a big disparity between the position of men and that of th women in the society. This variety may serve as a barrier to th rapid ascension of women to high political office. Theoretical Issues Theory of Patriarchy Patriarchy has been used to explain male domination and women' exclusion from political space. In this vein, Piispa and Heiskane (2003:1) cited in Badru, 2004:42) contend that patriarch constitutes the constellation of social relations and institutions the award men greater status, power and privilege over women. II two basic components are the social structures, such as legal ani UNILAGJournal of Politics Vol. 2, No.2 83 financial structures that preserve the dominant positions for men, and norms and values through which male dominance is accepted. This view argues that the traditional family model is where the wife is financially dependent on the husband, and social isolation make women more vulnerable to violence at home. Corry, (2004:4) observes that patriarchy is a form of social organization in which the father is the supreme authority in the family, clan, or ethnic group, and descent is reckoned in the male line, with the children belonging to the father's clan or ethnic group. It is also seen as a society, community, or country based on this social organization. To some feminists, patriarchy is a universal cross-cultural operation of male dominance and female exploitation. It is a system which fuels the subordination of women, and the oppression of women i maintained and reproduced (Hanmer and Maynard, (1987:11- 12) cited in Badru, (2004a : 46). According to Badru (2004a : 47), patriarchy was initiated by men, maintained by men and has men as its principal beneficiaries. (see also Oyekanmi, (2004:42). It can be gleaned from the literature that feminists adopt, without specification in their local, cultural and historical contexts, the concept of patriarchy in providing explanations for women's subordination, exploitation, subjugation, oppression and men's domination, apparently assuming its universal applicability. This conceptualization has been faulted on many grounds. It is a descriptive generalization, analytically reductive, which denies cultural and historical specificity and alludes erroneously to methodological universalism (Badru, 2004a :46). As Stamp. (1989:14) contends, patriarchy varies in its manifestation in different cultures and societies. In this vein, Badru (2004a :46) disagrees with patriarchal homogenization, which creates a false sense of commodity of oppression, interests and struggles among women. He identifies two systems of male dominance/patriarchy, The first (sub-Saharan patriarchy) was based on examples from sub-Saharan Africa and the second - tagged 'classic patriarchy' in patriarchal belt - was derived from the experience in Middle East, South Asia and East Asia. Kandiyoti (1988),cited in Badru (2004a 46) argues that, in sub-Saharan patriarchy, there is a 'relative omen autonomy. According to the author, women in sub-Saharan 84 F.A. Badru Africa used many strategies to maximize their autonomy. In his words: Yoruba women in Nigeria ... negotiate the terms of their farm- labour services to their husbands while they aim to devote more time and energy to the trading activities that will enable them to support themselves and ultimately give up such services. Hausa women, whose observance of Islamic seclusion reduces the demands husbands can make for their services, allocate their labour to trade, mainly the sale of ready-cooked foodstuffs (Kandiyoti, 1988:276 in Badru, 2004a). The author also observes that men's responsibility for their wives' support, while normative in some instances, is in actual fact relatively low (Kandiyoti, 1988:277). Thus, the premise that patriarchy is universal, preceding and superseding all other forms of oppression, obscures the cultural diversity and historical specificity of human societies. In addition, like 'conservatism', the theory of patriarchy reduces gender relations and gender violence to a natural division rooted in biology. In sum, in sub-Saharan Africa, patriarchy is not only the rule but also the domination by elite and non-elite men and subordination of women, which tend to constrict democratic political spaces of women within the Nigerian society. Olurode (2000:91)argues that, in patriarchal societies, the principal state actors are males and they often pursue policies that are manifestly favourable to men, but these have unintended negative consequences for female political participation. Akinboye (2004:29)contends that the patriarchal nature of most societies led to a situation in which men resented women's leadership. Women were regarded as politically inept and incapable of coping with the complications of political leadership in the society. Patriarchy, in this sense, is learnt, shared, patterned and varied in its manifestation from one place to another and transmitted from one generation to the other. Thus, patriarchy is not experienced in the same way all over the world. Through the process of socialization, women have been brought up to the erroneous sense that their places "are in the kitchen" and that men are the leaders. Quite a large number of households are male- UNILAG Journal of Politics Vol. 2, No.2 headed. In some communities in Nigeria, women need to permission from husbands before they attend ward meetings. Nocturnal meetings, which are embedded in the political process, are a thorn in the flesh of women. Of course, there are instances of matriarchal societies in sub-Saharan Africa, such as the Ashante in Ghana, but this matriarchal system has not given women equity in political participation. Feminism Feminism has been defined in many ways and has many variants. The feminist theory is a generalized, wide-ranging system of ideas about social relations between men and women, and their experiences developed from a woman-centred perspective (Ritzer and Goodman, 2004: 436). The authors assert that the feminist theory is women-centred in three ways: First, its major' object' for investigation, the starting point of all its investigation is the situation (or the situations) and experiences of women in society. Second, it treats women as the central 'subjects' in the investigative process; that is, it seeks to see the world from the distinctive vantage points of women in the social world. Third, the feminist theory is critical and activist on behalf of women, seeking to produce a better world for women. (George, 1990:29cited in Olurode, 1990) contends that feminism is a form of advocacy of women's rights based on the belief in the equality of the sexes. In the broadest sense, feminism refers to any explanation that attempts to seek an end to women's subordination in any way and for any reason. She alludes to sub-schools of liberal, radical and socialist feminism. The author argues that liberal feminism was the earliest type of feminism, which deals with equal rights, extension of liberty and justice to women through legal and social reforms. The radical school argues that women's oppression is as a result of patriarchy, which controls and socializes reproduction of people through marriage and motherhood. On the other hand, socialist feminism is said to provide the most insightful ideas of women's oppression, and this calls for the abolition of class, gender and the social order that gives rise to such oppression. 86 F.A. Badru Urbanization According to Badru (2004b:32),urbanization has many facets and manifests in different forms, depending on regional and cultural specificities. The definition of urbanization is very fluid. Simply put, it is the concentration of human species into cities. According to Atere and Olagbemi, (1998:64),urbanization is a massive shift from rural to city life. The urbanization process tends to promote feminisation of poverty (Olurode, 1990:15).There are too many women among the poor. The poor women have lower standard of living than men and thus have lower disposable income/resources to mobilize for political campaigns, party primaries and elections. This resource constraint tends to limit the democratic political space of women. However, some scholars (Nwanna, 2004; Lawanson, 2001; Fashoyin and Idowu, 1985) have pointed out that urbanization has provided women with opportunities for outside jobs. Features of Constrained Political Space of Women in Nigeria The men had monopolized the key political positions in the post- independence era. Whether under the military or civilian dispensation, women have hardly fared better. As Olojede (2004:128) argues in Nigeria's political history, a consistent feature has been the apparent exclusion and marginalization of women by successive governments (military or civilian). She opines that, in liberal democracies, political parties, legislative assemblies and executive councils are vital organs of decision- making among power centres. Political parties provide the citizens with the opportunity of participating in the management of a country's affairs. They constitute a major platform for selecting and promoting candidates for elections and also provide an avenue for mass mobilization and provision of political leadership for the nation. However, women's membership of political parties was estimated at about 5% by the 1999 party registration figures in Nigeria. Olojede (2004) also asserts that women constitute about 7% of party executives. She draws attention to a woman -Bisi Koya, an Alliance for Democracy (AD)'s aspirant into the Lagos State House of Assembly who won UNILAGJournal of Politics Vol. 2, No.2 the party primaries but was replaced by a man. She was reques to step down for the male by the party stalwarts. Other scholars (Ikpe, 2004; Quadri, 2004; Karunwi, 2003) have suggested that the few women appointed or elected are considered token officials as their voices can hardly change socio-political matters. The principles of federal character, zoning and rotational presidency have further excluded women. Under the military dispensation, no woman was appointed to the apex military ruling council, neither were they considered for the position of military administrator / governor of a state. The availability of qualified women was another salient issue. All the service chiefs, GOes and garrison commanders have been men. In the civilian regime, (apart from Sarah Jubril), none contested for the presidency, vice- presidency, or senate presidency. None won election as state governors. Even in the Third Republic, only one woman, Senator Kofoworola Akerele-Bucknor in Lagos State, was a deputy governor; and, even then, this position was bedevilled by a number of crises. She resigned her position in December 2002 (Ogwezzy, 2004:143). In the Fourth Republic, however, the deputy governors of Ogun and Osun States are women. The local government election of 1989 produced only four women (0.7%) as chairpersons against 585 men (99.3%). The gubernatorial primary election had nine women (2.72%)and 321men (97.27%) but none of the women got elected (see Table 1). All the presidential aspirants but one in the previous three republics had been men. All the 12presidents/heads of state that have ruled Nigeria since independence in 1960 till the present day are men. All the appointments to the national electoral body chairmanship in Nigeria have excluded women. All the Senate Presidents or Speakers of House of Representatives are men. There are no state 'chairwomen' or national chairpersons in all the parties that have be-enformed to date. Few women have managed to become members of the Senate or House of Representatives but their voices seem to be drowned by those of their male colleagues. Four women have been elected deputy governors in the country's political history. These are:Alhaja 88 F.A. Badru Sinatu Ojikutu and Senator Kofoworola Akerele - Bucknor in Lagos, Alhaja Salimonu Badru in Ogun State and Erelu Sola Obada in Osun State.Besides,we have had two female vice chancellors ofuniversities in the persons of Prof. Grace Alele-Williams, who headed The University of Benin, Edo State and Prof. Jadesola Akande of the Lagos State University, Ojo, Lagos. Also Prof. Joy Ogwu is the first female Director-General of the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs while. Professor Sophie Oluwole is the first female Dean of Students' Affairs at the University of Lagos. Mrs. Olumide is also the first female Registrar at the same institution. In the Third Republic, out of 47 ministers, three were female, namely: Dr. Kema Chikwe, Aviation; Mrs Modupe Adelaja, Defence and another in the Ministry of Women and Youth Affairs. Under the present dispensation, Mrs Rita Akpan is the Minister of Women Affairs. In the early post-independence era, Hajiya Gambo Sawaba was one of the few exceptional women activists. However, shewas repeatedly harassed and assaulted for participating in politics, and for joining hands with southern women to campaign for women suffrage (Shawalu 1990). Historically, it was not until 1979 that the Obasanjo military regime, was able to introduce universal suffrage for women (Draft Local Government Edict No, 189, 1976). According to Mba (1989), this was probably not due to any particular commitment to women's liberation, but an almost incidental development that occurred during the drafting of the Local Government Electoral Regulations (Mba 1989: 76). Nonetheless, few women have been allowed to play some roles in government. The first woman commissioner was Flora Nwapa - also Nigeria's first female novelist - who was appointed in 1970 by Ajie Ukpabi Asika, the civilian administrator of East Central State during the Yakubu Gowon era. She was followed by Dorothy Miller in North Central State, Folake Solanke and Ronke Doherty in Oyo State and Kofoworola Pratt in Lagos State (Mba 1989: 72). The policies of these regimes were not significantly different from those of their predecessors in their gender politics, in terms of the almost complete exclusion of women from government. Ibrahim (1997: 84) puts it this way: None involved women at the federal level or on any of the major UNILAG Journal of Politics Vol. 2, No.2 commissions they set up. At state level, however, it became unofficial policy to appoint one token woman commissioner out of about ten per state, usually to advise on social welfare or education. During the first set of local government elections under Obasanjo, in which women across the country ran as well as voted, six women were elected in the northern states (including Gambo Sawaba in Zaira's Saban Gari District), eight in Anambra and a handful in Lagos and Oyo states. All in all, the total iuniber of women elected amounted to no more than a min .i.le minority of the 229 local government councils. fhe condition has hardly changed with 774 local governments. Ibrahim contends that, in the second Republic during the election into the Constituent Assembly, only one woman, Chief Janet Akinrinade, was elected, while four others were appointed, making the total five out of 250. (See Table 1 for the details of peripheral political space of women in Nigeria and Table 2 for some selected countries based on Human Development Report, 2003). Table 1. Empirical Picture of Gender and Political Participation in Post-colonial Nigeria /Year(s)/Position(s) Total No Male Percentage Female Percentage 589 585 99.3 ~989 Local Govern- ment Election thair-rnen/Chairpersons 4 0.7 999 State Houses of Assembly Members 2.30 999 Elected Councillors 1172 1145 97.7 27 8800 8657 98.38 999 Local Governmen Council Chairmen / Chairpersons 999 Primary Election 774 765 98.84 43 9 1.62 1.16 330 321 97.27 09 2.73 DOO3State Houses of ~sembly 990 978 98.79 12 1.21 0003 House of Representatives 999 Senate Election 360 348 96.67 12 3.33 109 106 97.25 3 2.75 90 F.A. 8adru 2003 Senate Election 109 104 95.41 5 4.59 Public Agencies 130 123 94.61 7 5.39 /Boards State Governors 36 36 100 0 00 Depu ty Governors 36 34 94.44 2 5.56 Ministers/Special 44 35 79.55 9 20.45 Advisers Federal Executive 53 47 88.68 6 11.32 Council Senior Special 40 36 90 4 10 Assistants Ministers of State 21 17 80.95 4 19.05 State Speakers 36 35 97.22 1 2.78 ••.NB: It should be noted that Nigeria's mean percentage of women participation in politics is 5.59% from Table I above. Available literature shows out that Africa's average is 10%while the present world average is 13%. This suggests that Nigeria's mean percentage is dismally low when compared with both the African and World average. Table 2. Women's Political Participation in Selected Countries HDI Country Year Women Women in Seats in Seats in Rank High Human First Elected Government Parliament Parliament Development (E) or at Ministerial Held by Held by Appointed (A Level as % of Women- Women- to Parliament Total (2000) Lower House Senate (Percentage (Percentage of Total) of Total) 4 Australia 1943 (E) 19.5 25.3 28.9 6 Belgium 1921 (A) 18.5 23.3 28.2 7 United 1917 (E) 31.8 14.3 13.0 States 8 Canada 1921 (E) 24.3 20.6 32.4 13 United 1918 (E) 33.3 17.9 16.4 Kingdom UNILAGJournal of Politics Vol. 2, No.2 91 Medium Human Development 58 Malaysia 1959 (E) - 10.4 26.1 65 Brazil 1933 (E) - 8.6 12.3 64 Colombia 954 (A) 47.4 12.0 8.8 72 Romania 1946 (E) 20.0 10.7 7.9 78 jamai-a 1944 (E) 12.5 11.7 19.0 !Un' .tman t> -,elopment -. 144 Pakistan 1973 (E) - 21.6 17.0 150 Haiti 1961 (E) 18.2 3.6 25.9 151 Gambia 1982 (E) 30.8 13.2 - 152 Nigeria - 22.6 3.4 2.8 171 Burundi 1982 (E) 4.5 18.4 18.9 Source: Human Development Report, 2003:329-330 Is the current radio jingle of the Women and Youth Ministry to- wards making women participate in the formation, control and leadership of political parties a step in the right direction? What, then, apart from patriarchy, limit the political space of women in Nigeria? The next section considers some of these constraints. Socio-Cultural Factors that Decrease Women's Democratic Political Space in Nigeria. Democracy is based on the principles of liberty, freedom and equality. Women may be free to participate in politics, contest for political office or form political associations in theory, but in practice, there are socio-cultural constraints. These are the concerns of the next section. Perception of Traditional Roles and Societal Norms A woman is primarily seen as a wife, a mother and a horne-maker when married, and for some, women, they have to combine these multiple roles with a career. A woman who is unable to perform 92 F. A. Badru these traditional roles effectively, whether educated or not, is considered a failure. Women are considered the 'weaker vessels' and the underdogs of the society. Within the society's patriarchal setting the woman is perceived as emotional and passive as against the rational, strong and active mould of the man; hence the former is seen as unfit for a leadership position in the society (Williams, 1997:156).Besides, in Nigeria, a woman is considered as 'property' to be owned and used at will by men. She culturally has no place in taking or contributing to crucial decisions over her person or body, in her home and definitely not in the public. The society does not perceive her as having any role in politics beyond childbearing and child rearing. Like (Umar, 2003:2) contends, a woman who has always been under the leadership and control of a man (her father if unmarried; her husband when married, and her sons when old) has not imbibed a culture of leadership and remains disadvantaged politically. Odd Meeting Time and Financial Constraint Most political associations' meetings are held in the night or obscure places, which naturally exclude women. Besides, the funds required for effective participation in politics are colossal and out of reach for most women. Women who are poor or who are expected to rely on their husbands for economic support are further excluded. Researches have shown that most women in Nigeria live below the poverty line. Low education, skills and poor access to opportunities in terms of employment have combined to tighten the grip of poverty on them. Poor women can hardly appreciate attending a political party's meeting at the expense of their sales for the day in the market. This is more critical, especially when children depend on those daily sales for their livelihood. Oyekanmi (2004:41-61)examines, in detail, some socio-economic dimensions of gender equality in Nigeria. Electoral Obstacles The nomination of candidates for electoral posts and the procedures for registration of political associations are tenuous. Some politicians use party thugs, money and other means as short- cuts. These may constitute stumbling blocks for upright women. UNILAG Journal of Politics Vol. 2, No.2 93 Ibrahim (1997: 123) states that Francis Nzeribe admitted to have 'invested' eight million pounds sterling to get a senate seat, and part of the money was to pay for the 10, 000 thugs he needed to ensure his electoral victory. How many women and men can afford such money? Illiteracy and Poor Access to Information Enemuo (1999:231)contends that, since most women have been denied good education, this has negative impact on their economic resources. In addition, the prevailing cultural norms prescribe that a woman's place is in the home. He states that it is not surprising that women are grossly under-represented in public life and decision- making positions in most modern states. Umar (2003:3)argues that only a few educated women in urban area have access to radio and television while fewer still, buy or read newspapers. She asserts that the picture is worse for the rural women who hardly have access to electricity nor are availed community newspapers to keep them abreast of political developments. Even in households where information is received through the television, men decide which channel women watch. What about millions of Nigerian women who have never seen a computer let alone send e-mails or browse through the Internet. Ignorance of the constitution about the democratic process may also constitute an obstacle to women's political participation. Dauda (2004: 78-79), drawing from the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) Annual Reports, illuminates the skewed nature of education in favour of men with statistics of some selected education indicators. Colonization Colonialism is one of the factors indicted for female exclusion in politics. Enemuo (1999) states that' Africa's colonial experience contributed significantly to the current political marginalization of women on the continent'. He argues that, before colonization, Women in many African communities occupied positions of power in specific spheres of social life. There were indeed a number of places where thetj occupied the pre-eminent political position. These situations were reversed under colonialism. Two colonial policies have been identified as particularly inimical to 94 F.A. Badru the status of the African woman. In the ethos of the European colonists, 'only men can be active in the public sphere and earn a living to support their families'. Accordingly, it was mostly African males who were given some education and who got recruited into the colonial civil service and merchant houses, albeit as subordinates. This practice served to reinforce and generalize patriarchal values in Africa. Besides, it marked the beginning of the under-representation of women in the formal agencies of government, a situation that has been continued in the post-independence period (Enemuo, 1999: 232). (see also Oluwole, 1997: 119; Ochwada, 1997: 127). Olojede (1990:88)contends that it was colonialism that oppressed and subdued women. According to the prevalent viewpoints of European males of the 19th century, women should be seen but not heard. She asserts that the political elites who took over the control of rulership, who are mostly men, conspired and manipulated the state institutions to the detriment of women. Control of greater economic resources from cash crop production and merchandising by men greatly facilitated their domination of the political scene immediately after independence. The implication of this is that decreased democratic space has robbed women of their unique potential for governance. It has led to gender insensitivity in the design and implementation of public and social policies and helped to perpetuate gender inequity in different aspects of social life (Anifowoshe, 2004; Ikpe, 2004). The position may be controverted by the fact that, in countries that have not been colonized, such as Britain the position of women in governance is still abysmaL Military Intervention Military rule may not necessarily be completely male-dominated, but in igeria, it is so. Given that women have never ascended to the top hierarchy of the Nigerian Armed Forces, (the highest a woman has ever attained is a two-star general- Mrs. Ronke Kale- a psychiatrist). It is not surprising to find therefore, that women played no significant role in central government in all the seven military regimes we have had in Nigeria. The rigid and hierarchical UNILAG Journal of Politics Vol. 2, No.2 95 nature of the military reduced further the participation of women in public affairs. Attempt at 'Femocracu' Mama (1997)argues that, since political associations were subject to certain requirements, and were not formed on the basis of ethnicity, religion or sex, women discovered that they would be better off operating under the auspices of the national political parties which emerged. However, they did not fare very well, here since women's wings largely confined their activities to registering women voters and campaigning and dancing for their parties, and these were largely restricted to the urban setting. She observes that, amongst northern women politicians, Hajiya Gambo Sawaba and Hajiya Laila Dogonyaro stood out. Gambo Sawaba joined the Great Nigerian People's Party (GNPP), while Laila Dogonyaro ran on the ticket of the National Party of Nigeria (NPN), which eventually won the elections in 1979. Bola Ogunbo achieved the highest position for any woman then when she was selected running mate to the late Aminu Kano, presidential candidate of the radical People's Redemption Party (PRP). Shettima (undated), cited in Mama (1997: 86) observes that, out of the five parties registered for the 1979 elections, only two had particular provisions for women. These include the GNPP manifesto which proclaimed that it would make it compulsory for employers with more than 20 women employees to have child-care centres at their places ofwork, and the NPN that declared, it was: Committed to the development of womenfolk on an identical base with men folk to enable them realize the innate qualities in themselves. Our womenfolk will be actively encouraged by the NPN to come forward and playa full part in public life. In an attempt to uplift the status of women, the wife of a former Military Head of State, Maryam Babaginda implemented a programme of Better Life for Rural Women (BLP).The empirical achievement of Mrs. Babangida's 'Femocracy' has been criticized as creating more media rather than democratic space for the wives of the ruling oligarchy. It has also succeeded in energizing the ruling class women to support the most populist policies of the various 96 F. A. 8adru totalitarian regimes that have ruled Nigeria. However, the programme derailed and became a jamboree for wives of serving military chiefs' who became the chairpersons of their state (Better Life for Rural Women Programme (BLP) committees. Also, questions were raised about BLPfunding, as neither the 'First Lady' nor any state BLP branch had any federal or state budgetary allocation. The BLPwas also criticized for diverting public funds into buying goods for display at BLPfairs. Thus, the BLPcould be seen as serving the interest of the urban rather than the rural women. Moreover, the BLPprovided expanded democratic space for the elite women rather the rural women. The most virulent critique of BLP is that, though, 'rural women' were the target, the decision- makers had already decided against their interests before launching out. Paradoxically, like Mama (1997:93) notes, whereas elite women are, almost by definition, unproductive even at the household level, rural women are the most hardworking female group among the populace. However, their work is undervalued, unrecognized and either un- remunerated or poorly paid. In spite of this critique, the BLPgave birth to the ational Commission on Women and Development via Decree o. 30 (Mama, 1997:90).The first Director-General of the Commission was Professor Bolanle Awe. Regional variations in gender politics have continued to persist, but extremely misogynistic values and actions have continued to be tolerated across the society. Summary In summary, the following have been found to hinder women's democratic space. • Cultural/traditional/religious beliefs and practices, which dictate that women's place is in the kitchen. • Less access to management and control of crucial resources like finance, information, education, relevant skills, health care and even public leadership positions. • omen do not have as much time as the men for public engagements and politics, because they have the additional responsibility of taking care of the family and home. UNILAG Journal of Politics Vol. 2, No.2 • The element of political violence and thuggery in Nigerian politics. • The low financial statuses of most women make it impossible for them to commit so much money to politics, especially as Nigerian politics is highly monetized. • Cultural practices that compel a woman/wife to get her husband's and extended family's permission before embarking on a -campaign for leadership, especially in politics. • The highly corrupt and. monetized party nomination process. • Male-centred interpretations of culture and religion, such as the perception that only men should aspire to public office. The portrayal of women aspirants as people acting in ways that contradict prevailing culture. • Organized campaigns to slander unmarried female aspirants as lacking in morals. • Use of weaker female aspirants to displace or destabilize the stronger ones. • Claims that some female aspirants are too assertive and independent, and therefore cannot be team players (see Ibrahim and Salihu, 2004:302). Towards Expanding Democratic Political Space for Women in Nigeria The question is: How do we remove these shackles? The following steps are suggested but they are by no means exhaustive: • Promoting structures and institutions that expand women's democratic space. • Educating the masses about the need for gender equity and removing the fears and misconceptions that those women in politics would be disobedient to their husbands and ultimately neglect their traditional roles. • Political parties should also adopt measures which will encourage them to consciously nominate interested and qualified women for all elective positions. They should also ensure fair representation of women and men at all levels of the party hierarchy, in the executiveand in party caucuses. • Electoral laws which have negative implications for women: like requiring candidates to pay huge nomination fees to the electoral body and political parties should be amended to take care of experienced, talented and educated men and women rather than the money bags. • Young girls should be encouraged very early to aspire to public leadership positions and to be active in public and community activities, whether as class monitors, school prefects, students' union activists and leaders of youth groups. This will assist their anticipatory socialization. • Women NGOs as a body should aspire to leadership and decision-making positions so that they can influence the political, economic and administrative process to ensure accountability, and to adequately reflect and address women concerns. • Government should ensure equal access to credit facilities for both men and women; the state and NGOs should also devise alternative access to credit facilities for women politicians. • Proportional representation. • Girl-child education. Conclusion A culture of tolerance, meritocracy and accommodation is called for. These should take care and respect the rights, abilities, capabilities, experiences and skills of citizens irrespective of gender. Political participation and governance should be considered as a right and not a privilege. We share the sentiment of Enemuo (1999: 232) that the exclusion of women from governance could deny mankind the inherent potentials of such gender. In a globalized world, and for a sustainable democratic polity, an enhanced democratic political space is imperative for women. The system should be run on the bases of justice, truth, equity and fair play. It should be noted that no particular gender has been endowed with the divine right or is biologically programmed to rule ad infinitum. Either way, there may be conflicts here and there, and with experience, truth and the fear of God; the crises will be nipped in the bud. Ethnicity, religious bigotry and the blind-gender principle UNILAG Journal of Politics Vol. 2, No.2 99 must not be allowed to becloud the current democratization exercise. These are some of the challenges for the current experiment under the Fourth Republic. Politics is a struggle; democracy is conflict-ridden and antagonistic. Women should be recognized and treated as full citizens of the land. 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